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Marc Selverstone: Presidential Scholar Studies #47

Marc Selverstone is a presidential scholar.

He teaches and writes about the American presidency.

In 2025, that’s like being someone who studied ocean liners and icebergs in 1912.

That’s my analogy, not his.

Marc Selverstone

Selverstone — a 1980 graduate of Staples High School — is the University of Virginia Miller Center’s director of presidential studies, and co-chair of its Presidential Recordings Program.

The Miller Center is non-partisan. When we spoke on Friday, Selverstone chose his words carefully and judiciously.

But still …

In the 50 years since its founding the Center has examined tapes, conducted oral histories, convened panels, and embarked on many other projects. It gauges the trajectory of the presidency as an institution, and make recommendations to ensure its effectiveness in American life.

Neither Selverstone nor his colleagues have ever seen a presidency like the current one.

They are not journalists, writing about executive orders, negotiations and norms-breaking as they occur.

They are not pundits or talking heads, explaining it all on TV or podcasts.

Presidential scholars wait. They need access to documents, records, memoirs and other historical information, to examine and assess the success or failure of any particular administion.

But still …

In his first term, President Trump showed an unprecedented disregard for the Presidential Records Act. In many ways, his second administration is even less bound by tradition (and laws) than the first.

It’s clear, Selverstone says, that — unlike in 2017 — the Trump administration was ready to govern from Day One.

“They had a very clear sense of what they wanted to do in terms of policy and execution, and who they wanted to have involved,” he notes.

“That’s especialy true with their use of executive orders. There have been dozens already.

Since January 20, President Trump has signed a flurry of executive orders.

“it’s so hard to get things done through Congress. So presidents reach for executive power. Most presidents of a different party come in and reverse some orders of the previous president, and add some of their own. But this expands greatly on what other presidents have done in the first 100 days.”

Because Republicans control the Senate and House of Representatives, as well as the White House, Trump can “flex his executive might as much as possible,” Selverstone says.

“His followers like that — even though, by and large, many Americans are concerned about too much executive power.”

Selverstone adds, “We’d be hard pressed int he modern era to identify another president who tiptoes to the line, to suggest that laws or courts might not matter.

While Congress is a co-equal branch of government, right now members are “not really holding the president’s feet to the fire, in areas like personnel and policy.”

In recent years, Selverstone says, the balance of power has shifted more to the executive branch. The Trump presidency had accelerated that trend.

In fact, he adds, “as Trump asserts authority over ndependent agencies in a way that makes some people uncomfortable, he seems to invite court challenges. Favorable rulings could expand his power even more. That to me is a very different presidency.”

Recent Supreme Court rulings have widened presidential power.

Meanwhile, the Federal Election Commission is, like other independent agencies, in Trump’s crosshairs. Its independence is no longer assured.

The norms being overturned now date back to the post-Watergate era, after Richard Nixon sowed fears about an “imperial presidency.” Selverstone is very familiar with that period, through his work with the Miller Center’s Recordings Program. He helped transcribe and analyze White House tapes that Nixon — among other presidents — made in secret.

“Whistleblower protection, inspectors general, the FBI — they’re all being neutered now. Not even Nixon would have done that,” Selverstone says.

President Nixon tested many presidential norms.

What does all this mean for Selverstone, and the Miller Center?

“We pride ourselves on being a non-partisan institution,” he says.

“We look at an array of challenges, and explore how the presidency addresses them in national life. As trust in government plummets, that’s of great concern to us at the center.

“We engage citizens from all walks of life, in both parties. We run programs that look at uses of presidential power, with people from both sides of the aisle.

“We convene scholars to think throught how we got here, what it means for us now, what might be done, and ask, will it stand the test of time?”

An important conference is set for the fall. Major figures from past administrations — Republican and Democratic — who “believe in good government” will offer insights into the past, present and future.

Based on the first 5 weeks of the administration of the 47th president of the United States, they’ll have plenty to talk about.

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